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Предмет: Теоретическая фонетика английского языка. Работа на английском языке !!! Сложная тема. выполнялась совместно с автором. Благодаря работе, единственная получила автомат. ...
Содержание
I. Introduction 3
II. Main part 5
2.1. Spread in English 5
2.2. English-based pronunciation standards of English 6
2.3. British English as a standard of pronunciation in UK 9
2.4. British English Pronunciation Standards and Accents 9
2.4.1. Received Pronunciation 9
2.4.2. BE Pronunciation Standards and Accents 12
2.5. Changes in the Standard 13
2.5.1. Sound Changes in RP 13
2.5.2. Chief Differences between RP
and Regional Accents of BE 15
2.5.3. Changes of Vowel Quality 16
2.5.4. Changes of Consonant Quality20
III. Conclusion 22
IV. Bibliography 25
Введение
I. Introduction
In all languages all the sounds are always in activities of change. It was normal that the speech of all communities did not develop in the same direction. Different parts of the country were exposed to different extreme influences, which were the reasons for various phonetic structures of the language. For the last five centuries, in Great Britain has appeared the rule that one type of English pronunciation is socially preferable to others, just the only regional accent began to assume all social prestige. For reasons of commerce, politics, and the presence of the Court, it was the pronunciation of the south-east of England and the London Region, that this prestige was given. This pronunciation is named Received Pronunciation which is defined as a model for right, correct pronunciation, especially for educated formal speech.
The written form of language is usually a currently accepted standard and is the same throughout the country. But spoken language may change from place to place. The varieties of the language are determined by language associations disposing from small groups to nations. Speaking about the nations we aim at the national variants of the language. Concerning to English there is a great diversity in the spoken realization of the language and particularly in terms of pronunciation .
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The historical linguist H.C. Wyld also made much use of the term ‘received’ in “A Short History of English”: “It is proposed to use the term ‘Received Standard’ for that form which all would probably agree in considering the best that form which has the widest currency and is heard with practically no variation among speakers of the better class all over the country”10.
It has long been believed that RP is a social marker, a prestige accent of an Englishman. In the nineteenth century «received» was supposed in the sense of «accepted in the best society». The speech of aristocracy and the court phonetically was that of the London area. Then it lost its local characteristics and was finally fixed as a dominant class accent, often sent to as «King's English». It was also the accent taught atpublic schools.
With the spread of education cultured people not belonging to the upper classes were eager to modify their accent in the direction of social standards.
Only 3–5 per cent of the population of England speaks RP.
British phoneticians11 estimate that nowadays RP is not homogeneous. A.C. Gimson passes an opinion that it is convenient to differentiate three main types within it: the conservative RP forms, used by the older generation, and, traditionally, by certain profession or social groups; the general RP forms, most commonly in use and typified by the pronunciation adopted by the BBC, and the advanced RP forms, mainly used by young people of exclusive social groups – mostly of the upper classes, but also for prestige value, in certain professional circles.
«This last type of RP reflects the tendencies typical of changes in pronunciation. It is the most «effected and exaggerated variety» of the accent12. Some of its features may be results of temporary fashion; some are adopted as a norm and described in the latest textbooks. Therefore, it is very important for a teacher and learner of English to distinguish between the two. RP speakers make up a very small percentage of the English population. Many native speakers, especially teachers of English and professors of colleges and universities (particularly from the South and South-East of England) have accents closely resembling RP but not identical to it. P. Trudgill and J. Hannah call it Near-RP southern. So various types of Standard English pronunciation may be summarized as follows: Conservative RP; General RP; Advanced RP; Near-RP southern13.
2.4.2. BE Pronunciation Standards and Accents
By the 19th century there was a forceful normalization movement towards the establishment of Educated Southern English as the standard accent. The major reasons for this were: the need for a clearly defined and recognized norm for public and other purposes and the desire to provide adequate descriptions for teaching English both as the mother tongue and a foreign language. In 1909 Professor Daniel Jones described this variety as a desired standard pronunciation in the first editions of his books "The Pronunciation of English" [1909] and "Outline of English Phonetics" [1917]. By 1930, however, any intention of setting up a standard of Spoken English was denied by many phoneticians. The term "Standard Pronunciation" was replaced by "Received Pronunciation", which had been introduced for Southern Educated English by phonetician Ida Ward who defined it as pronunciation which "had lost all easily noticeable local differences"14.
Phonological and phonetic dimensions of RP English is based, as for its phoneme inventory, this accent has 20 vowels and 24 consonants15. Gimson states that the system of vowels embraces 12 pure vowels or monophthongs: i:, i, æ, Λ, a:, o, o:, υ, u:, з:, ә and 8 diphthongs: ei, ai, oi, әυ, aυ, iә, eә, υә. The system of RP consonants consists of the following two wide categories of sounds:
1) those typically associated with a noise component: p, b, t, d, k, g, f, v, θ, ð, р, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h, tʃ, dʒ ;
2) those without a noise component which may share many phonetic characteristics with vowels - 7 sonorants : m, n, ŋ, 1, r, j, w.
According to the phonotactic specification of [r] occurrence, RP is a non-rhotic or r-less accent, i.e. [r] does not occur after a vowel or at the end of the words. It may be claimed that [r] in RP has a limited distribution, being restricted in its occurrence to pre-vocalic positions. In Chapter 2.5 the recent and current changes in RP are presented in details.
2.5. Changes in the Standard
2.5.1. Sound Changes in RP
Changes in the standard may be investigated in the speech of the younger generation of native RP speakers. These changes may affect all the features of articulation of vowel and consonant phonemes and also the prosodic system of the language.
Considerable changes are observed in the sound system of the present-day English, which are most remarkable since the well-known Great Vowel Shift in the Middle English period of the language development. It is a well-established fact that no linguistic modification can occur all unexpected. The appearance of a new shade in the pronunciation of a sound results in the co-existence of free variants in the realization of a phoneme. The mobility concerns mainly vowels. Most of English vowels have exposed to definite qualitative changes. The newly appeared variants show different stability and range. The competent particular qualities bring forth new allophonic realizations of the vowel phonemes. Ch. Barber comes to the conclusion that a definite trend towards centralization is remarked in the quality of English vowels at present16.
Professor J C. Wells in his article "Cockneyfication of RP" discusses several of recent and current sound changes in RP. He considers in turn:
1) the decline of weak [I],
2) glottalling,
A lot of evident examples of glottalling we can find in “Pygmalion” of George Bernard Shaw (the film “My Fair Lady”):
e.g. So cheer up, Captain; and buy a flower off a poor girl. / e.g. What’s that? That ain’t proper writing. /e.g. Buy a flower, kind gentleman. /
3) 1-vocalization,
4) intrusive [r],
5) yod coalescence,
e.g. Then what did you take my words for? / e.g. Now you know, don’t you? I’m come to have lessons, I am. / e.g. Would you mind if I take a seat? /
6) assorted lexical changes.
Professor J C. Wells claims that there is a tendency towards the so-called smoothing (tightening, reduction) of the sequences [aiə], [aυә] ("thripthongs"), the medial element of which may be elided. They are sometimes reduced to a long open vowel, e.g. power [pa:], tower [ta:], fire [fa:], our [a:]. Though the full forms have been retained in the latest edition of the Large Phonetics Dictionary as the main variants, their reduced counterparts are very common in casual RP: [aυә - aә - a:]. There is a tendency, though not a very consistent one, to make the diphthong [υә] a positional allophone of [o:]. It is increasingly replaced by [o:], e.g. the most common form of sure has [o:] with a similar drift being true for poor, moor, tour and their derivatives. Rare words, such as gourd, dour tend to retain [υә] without a common [o:] variant. Words in which [υә] is preceded by a consonant plus [j] are relatively resistant to this shift, e.g. pure, curious, fury, furious.
There is a yod-dropping tendency after [s] in the words like suit, super and their derivatives, e.g. suitcase, suitable, supreme, superior, supermarket - these have the dominant form without [j]. In words, where [j] occurs after the consonants other than [s], it still remains the dominant form in RP, e.g. enthusiasm, news, student17.
2.5.2. Chief Differences between RP and Regional Accents of BE
Professor J C. Wells summarizes the dominated differences between regional accents of British English (BrE) as distinct from RP:
Within the vocalic systems:
1. No [Λ] - [υ] contrast. Typically [Λ] does not occur in the accents of the north e.g. but =[bΛt] (South), and [bυt] (North); blood=[blΛd] (South) and [blυd] (North); one =[wΛn] (South) and [won] (North).
2. Different distribution of [ᴂ] and [a:]: before the voiceless fricatives[f], [θ], [s] and certain consonant clusters containing initial [n] or [m], [ᴂ] is pronounced in the North instead of [a:] in the South.
3. [i] - tensing is one of the salient north-south differentiating features in England. Word final [i] like in words city [’siti], money ['mΛni] is typical of the northern accents, while in the South they have [i:] in similar positions. In RP happY vowel [i] is used in such cases.
4. Vowel length contrast is absent in Scottish English and Northern Ireland18.
Within the consonantal systems:
1. Rhoticism, i.e. retaining post-vocalic [r], is spread in Scotland, Ireland, and South-west in words like bar, farm etc. which have orthographic 'r'. Non-rhoticism, i.e. absents of post-vocalic [r], is typical of RP and Welsh English. Thus, some British English accents are “rhotic” or “r-ful” and others are non-rhotic or 'r-less'.
2. [t] glottaling. In most regional accents the glottal stop is widely used, especially in the north-east of England, East Anglia and Northern Ireland. It may also be pronounced simultaneously with the voiceless [p], [t], [k] most strikingly between the vowels, e.g. pity =[‘pit?i:].
3. [j] (Yod) dropping: in most accents[ j] is dropped after [t] or [s].
e.g. student = ['stu:dnt], suit=[su:t], in the North it has been lost after [θ], e.g. enthusiasm [әn'θu:ziәzm]; In eastern England [j] is lost after every consonant, in London – after [n], [t], [d], e.g. news = [nu:z], tune =[tu:n].
4. Many non-RP speakers use [n] in the suffix -ing instead of [ŋ]: speaking ['spi:kin]. In areas of western central England including Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool they pronounce [ng]: singer [‘singә], wing [wing] 19.
2.5.3. Changes of Vowel Quality
1. According to the stability of articulation.
1) Two historically long vowels [i], [u:] have become diphthongized and are often called diphthongoids; the organs of speech somewhat change their articulation by the very end of pronunciation, becoming more anterior. Ch. Barber tries to draw a parallel with the Great Vowel Shift which took place in Middle English, where diphthongization was just one part of a complete change of pattern in the long vowels. He claims that there is some resemblance to this process today and other phonemes may move up to fill the places left vacant.
2) There is a tendency for some of the existing diphthongs to be smoothed out, to become shorter, so that they are more like pure vowels.
a) This is very often the case with [ei], particularly in the word final position, where the glide is very slight: today [ta'dei], say [sei], May [mei].
b) Diphthongs [ai], [au] are subject to a smoothing process where they are followed by the neutral sound [ə]:
Conservative RP: tower [tauə], fire [faiə]
General RP: [taə], [faə]
Advanced RP: [tα:], [fα:]
c) Also diphthongs [oə], [uə] tend to be leveled to [o:]. Thus the pronunciation of the words pore, poor is varied like this:
older speakers: [poə], [puə]
middle-aged speakers: [po:], [puə]
younger speakers: [po:], [po:]
It should be mentioned, however, that this tendency does not concern the diphthong [iə] when it is final. The prominence and length shift to the glide, this final quality often being near to [¬]; dear [diə] – [di¬].
2. According to the horizontal and vertical movements of the tongue. Very striking changes occur in the vowel quality affected by the horizontal movements of the tongue. In fact the general tendency is marked by the centering of both front and back vowels:
a) the nuclei of [ai], [au] tend to be more back, especially in the male variant of the pronunciation;
b) the vowel phoneme is often replaced by [a] by younger speakers:
[hv] – [hav], [nd] – [and];
c) the nucleus of the diphthong [ª] varies considerably, ranging from [oª] among conservative speakers to [ª] among advanced ones:
Список литературы
IV. Bibliography
1. Alimardanov R. A. Pronunciation Theory of English, T., 2009.
2. Avery Peter, Ehrlich, Susan. Teaching American English Pronunciation. Oxford Handbooks for Language Teachers Series. Oxford University Press, 1992.
3. Algeo, John. The Cambridge History of the English Language: English in North America. Cambridge University Press, 2001.
4. Barber Ch. Linguistic Change in Present Day English. – London, 1964.
5. Cambridge Encyclopaedia of the English Language / David Crystal. – Cambridge University Press, 1995.
6. Crystal, David, English as a Global Language; Cambridge, 1997.
7. Davies, Christopher. Divided by a Common Language. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2005.
8. Gomez, Paco. English Phonetics, 2009.
9. Gimson A.C. Jones and Standards of English Pronunciation // English Studies. –Vol. 58. – No. 2. – 1977.
10. Gimson A.C. An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English. – London: Edward Arnold, 1981.
11. Hughes, Arthur; Trudgill, Peter; Watt, Dominic. English Accents and Dialects: An Introduction to Social and Regional Varieties of English in the British Isles. Trans-Atlantic Publications, 2005.
12. Jones, Daniel. An Outline of English Phonetics, 1960, 9th edition.
13. Leitner, Gottlieb. The Consolidation of “Educated Southern English” as a Model in the Early 20th Century // IRAL. Vol.20. – 1982
14. Roach, Peter. A Little Encyclopedia of Phonetics, 2009.
15. Wakelin, Martyn Francis. Discovering English Dialects. Oxford: Shire Publications, 2008. First published in 1978.
16. Wells, John C. Longman Pronunciation Dictionary. Longman, 2000.
17. Wyld, Henry Cecil. A Short History of English, 1937, 3rd edition.
18. Антипова А.М. Ритмическая система английской речи. – М., 1984.
19. Ахманова О.С. Фонология, морфонология, морфология. – М., 1966.
20. Бондаренко Л.П., Завьялова В.Л., Пивоварова М.О., Соболева С.М. Basics of English phonetics / Основы фонетики английского языка, М.: ФЛИНТА: Наука, 2009.
21. Борисова Л.В., Метлюк А.А. Теоретическая фонетика. – Минск, 1980.
22. Васильев В.А., Катанская А.Р. Фонетика английского языка. Нормативный курс. – М., 1980.
23. Зиндер ЛЗ. Общая фонетика. – Л., 1979.
24. Соколова М.А. и др. Практическая фонетика английского языка. – М., 1984.
25. Торсуев Г.П. Проблемы теоретической фонетики и фонологии. – М., 1969
26. Швейцер А.Д. Социальная дифференциация в английском языке в США. – М., 1983.
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