Objctivity in reporting ( на материалах иностранной прессы о России)

Introduction
Chapter 1. Distinctive features of journalism as a discourse form
1.1. Discourse concept definition
1.2. Stylistic peculiarities of political essays
1.3. Journalism information field and cognitive models of argumentation
1.4. Objectivity and expression forms of expressivity, evaluation and emotionality
Chapter 2. Objectivity of political essays concerning Russia in the Western mass media
2.1. Bias in evaluation and comparison
2.1.1. Use of similes
2.1.2. Use of metaphors
2.1.3. Use of epithets
2.1.4. Use of understatement means
2.1.5. Use of periphrasis and euphemisms
2.1.6. Use of cliches and derogatory remarks
2.1.7. Use of hyperboles
2.1.8. Use of idioms
2.2. Validity of cause-and-effect relation
Conclusion
Bibliography
Political essays used

Пока что уже было обещано 200 млрд долларов, но окончательная цифра стоимости антикризисного пакета мер еще не определена.
Резервы Центробанка на 7 ноября составляли 475,4 млрд долларов, однако с начала августа они уже сократились на 122,1 млрд – эти деньги правительство активно тратило на поддержку рубля. Тем не менее, Всемирный банк ожидает, что положительное сальдо текущих операций России сократится более чем вдвое, до 40 млрд долларов в 2009 году (с нынешних 100 млрд).
Все же, как отмечает журналистка издания со ссылкой на Всемирный банк, положение России куда лучше, чем у многих других "растущих рынков". В основном это, конечно, связано с запасливо накопленными резервами от нефтяных сверхприбылей. Украине, к примеру, пришлось обращаться в МВФ за кредитом в размере 16,4 млрд долларов.
Harding L. EU asked to pinpoint aggressor in Russia-Georgia war// The Guardian – 19 November 2008.
Georgia today called for an independent investigation into who started the war between Russia and Georgia in August, amid claims by the Kremlin that the western media now accepts Georgia was the aggressor.
Georgia's ambassador to the UN, Irakli Alasania, has asked the EU to carry out a "very thorough" international investigation into the five-day conflict. Georgia was willing to provide "all" information including classified material to show it was not to blame, he said.
The move comes after the New York Times and BBC's Newsnight programme raised serious doubts about Georgia's claim that its attack on the breakaway Georgian enclave of South Ossetia on August 7/8 was in response to Russian aggression.
The New York Times quoted military observers in South Ossetia, who said they were unable to verify claims that Georgian villages had come under heavy attack before August 7.
It reported that monitors from the Organisation for the Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) said Georgian troops had bombarded the city of Tskhinvali using indiscriminate rocket and artillery fire.
Today, however, Russia's oldest human rights organisation, Memorial, said there was overwhelming evidence that shelling had taken place in the days leading up to August 7 and that both sides were involved.Oleg Orlov, the head of Memorial, said artillery exchanges across the border with South Ossetia began on August 1 - and then "got worse". Civilians on both sides were injured, he said, citing the lists of casualties in Tskhinvali's hospital and many independent accounts by Georgian villagers living in the border zone.
South Ossetian troops had fired on civilian Georgian villages, Orlov said, including an enclave of ethnic Georgians living inside separatist-controlled South Ossetia, north of Tskhinvali. Additionally, South Ossetian troops had opened fire from the Tskhinvali HQ of Russia's peacekeeping force, Orlov added.
"It's important to find out who was the aggressor. But the answer isn't straightforward," said Orlov, who spent two weeks in South Ossetia and Georgia investigating the conflict.
"Of course, Georgia's armed forces started a full-scale military operation. But the previous politics of Russia provoked Georgia to do this."
"This doesn't excuse Mikheil Saakashvili [the Georgian president]. But Russian peacekeepers didn't do their job properly. We know the Russian side gave arms to the Ossetians and that they used them to fire towards Georgia from Russian peacekeeping positions well before August 7."
Both sides dispute the war's chronology. The Georgians have used the bombardment of ethnic Georgian villages as the main justification for their attack on Tskhinvalli. They also claim Russia had already begun its invasion of Georgia via the Rokhi tunnel before Saakashvili sent his army into South Ossetia.
Russia, meanwhile, says it is now absolutely clear Georgia was the real aggressor. Vitaly Churkin, Russia's UN ambassador, sent a letter of congratulation to the New York Times following its November 7 article, saying it took the US media "three months to start telling the truth about the August war in the Caucasus".
The row comes after the first indications by Barack Obama, the US president-elect, that he does not intend to abandon Georgia, a key US ally and aspiring member of Nato. In a telephone call, Obama assured Saakashvili of Washington's continuing support, the Georgian president's office said today.
Amnesty International today said Georgia and Russia had both seriously violated international law during the conflict.
In a 69-page report, Amnesty said there was evidence Georgian forces used notoriously inaccurate Grad rockets in their assault on Tskhinvali. This resulted in "scores of civilian deaths" and violated international law on the conduct of war, Amnesty said.
Amnesty took Moscow to task for failing to stop killings, torture and abuses against civilians perpetrated by Russia's allies - the South Ossetian militias - in ethnic Georgian enclaves inside and adjacent to the breakaway region.
"It is clear that the Russian authorities singularly failed in their duty to prevent reprisals and serious human rights abuses being carried out by militia groups loyal to South Ossetia," the report said. Евросоюз призвали выявить, кто начал российско-грузинскую войну
Люк Гардинг
Вчера постоянный представитель Грузии в ООН Ираклий Аласания попросил ЕС провести независимое расследование по вопросу о том, кто начал российско-грузинскую войну, сообщает The Guardian. По словам постпреда, в доказательство своей невиновности Грузия готова предоставить всю информацию, в том числе секретные материалы.
Корреспондент Люк Гардинг подчеркивает, что заявление Аласании было сделано после того, как газета New York Times и программа Newsnight службы BBC поставили под сомнение версию Грузии, гласящую, что атака на Южную Осетию в ночь на 8 августа была ответом на российскую агрессию.
По данным автора, вчера российская организация "Мемориал" заявила, что, согласно многочисленным свидетельствам, артобстрелы на границе Грузии с Южной Осетией начались 1 августа и затем ужесточались, причем пострадали мирные жители с обеих сторон. "Конечно, полномасштабную военную операцию начали вооруженные силы Грузии. Но грузинскую сторону на это спровоцировала политика России, – сказал, согласно цитате, приведенной в издании, глава "Мемориала" Олег Орлов. – Нам известно, что российская сторона снабжала осетин оружием, а те стреляли из этого оружия по Грузии с позиций российских миротворцев задолго до 7 августа".
Между тем Россия утверждает, что отныне кристально ясно, что истинным агрессором была Грузия, причем постоянный представитель России в ООН Виталий Чуркин прислал в New York Times благодарственное письмо, пишет The Guardian.
Тем временем Барак Обама в телефонном разговоре заверил грузинского президента, что Вашингтон не перестанет поддерживать Грузию, сообщает газета, ссылаясь на вчерашнее сообщение секретариата Саакашвили.
Автор также излагает содержание доклада организации Amnesty International, опубликованного вчера. В нем сделан вывод, что в ходе конфликта обе стороны – российская и грузинская – серьезно нарушали международное право. По данным организации, грузинские войска обстреливали Цхинвали из установок "Град", в результате чего погибли десятки мирных жителей, а Москва не препятствовала своим союзникам – южноосетинскому ополчению – убивать и пытать мирных жителей грузинских анклавов в этой области и ее окрестностях.
Harding L. Georgia calls on EU for independent inquiry into war// The Guardian – 19 November 2008.
Georgia yesterday called for an independent inquiry into who started the war between it and Russia in August; amid claims by the Kremlin that the western media now accepts that Georgia was the aggressor.
Georgia's ambassador to the UN, Irakli Alasania, asked the EU on Monday to carry out a "very thorough" international investigation into the five-day conflict. Georgia was willing to provide "all" information including "classified material" to show it was not to blame, he said.
The move follows doubts raised by the New York Times and BBC's Newsnight about Georgia's claim that its attack on South Ossetia on August 7/8 was in response to Russian aggression.
The New York Times quoted military observers in the breakaway region who said they were unable to verify claims that Georgian villages had come under heavy attack prior to August 7. The monitors from the Organisation for the Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) also said Georgian troops had bombarded the city of Tskhinvali, using indiscriminate rocket and artillery fire, the US paper reported.
Yesterday, however, the Russian human rights organisation Memorial said there was overwhelming evidence that shelling had taken place in the days leading up to August 7 and Georgia's assault on Tskhinvali. Both sides were involved, Memorial said.
Oleg Orlov, the head of Memorial, said that artillery exchanges across the border with South Ossetia began on August 1 - and then "got worse". Civilians on both sides were injured, he said. South Ossetian troops had fired on civilians, Orlov said, including an enclave of ethnic Georgians living inside separatist controlled South Ossetia, north of Tskhinvali. South Ossetian troops had also fired from the Tskhinvali headquarters of Russia's peacekeeping force, Orlov added.
"It's important to find out who was the aggressor. But the answer isn't straightforward," Orlov, who spent two weeks in South Ossetia and Georgia investigating the conflict, said. "Of course Georgia's armed forces started a full-scale military operation. But the previous politics of Russia provoked Georgia to do this."
This did not "excuse" the Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, he continued. "But Russian peacekeepers also didn't do their job properly. We know the Russian side gave arms to the Ossetians and that they used them to fire towards Georgia from Russian peacekeeping positions well before August 7."
The war's chronology is disputed by Moscow and Tbilisi. The Georgians have used the bombardment of ethnic Georgian villages as the main justification for their attack on Tskhinvali. They also claim Russia had already begun its invasion of Georgia via the Roki tunnel before Saakashvili sent his army into South Ossetia.
Russia says it is clear that Tbilisi was the real aggressor. "It took [US media] three months to start telling the truth about the August war in the Caucasus," said Vitaly Churkin, Russia's UN ambassador in a letter of congratulation to the New York Times following its November 7 article.
The row came as Barack Obama, the US president-elect, gave his first indications that he does not intend to abandon Georgia. Obama called Saakashvili and assured him of Washington's continuing support, the Georgian president's office said yesterday.
Amnesty International yesterday said Georgia and Russia had seriously violated international law during the conflict. Грузия призывает ЕС провести независимое расследование причин войны
Люк Гардинг
Как передает The Guardian, Грузия призвала провести независимое расследование, чтобы определить, кто же начал военный конфликт в августе. Это происходит теперь, когда Кремль заявляет, что западная пресса признала, что Грузия была агрессором.
В понедельник посол Грузии в ООН, Ираклий Аласания, призвал Евросоюз провести "очень тщательное" международное расследование причин пятидневного конфликта. Как сообщается, Грузия готова предоставить "всю" информацию, включая сведения "с грифом секретно", чтобы доказать свою невиновность.
Этот шаг, отмечает журналист Люк Гардинг, стал реакцией на материалы The New York Times и BBC Newsnight, поставившие под сомнение версию Тбилиси о том, что действия грузинской армии в Южной Осетии явились ответом на агрессию России.
The New York Times привела слова военных наблюдателей в этом мятежном регионе, которые оказались не способны подтвердить утверждения Грузии об обстрелах грузинских деревень до начала полномасштабной грузинской атаки. Наблюдатели ОБСЕ также заявили, что грузинские силы подвергали город Цхинвали беспорядочному ракетному и артиллерийскому огню.
Впрочем, подчеркивает Гардинг, вчера российская правозащитная организация "Мемориал" заявила о наличии неопровержимых доказательств того, что обстрелы происходили в течение нескольких дней до 7 августа и грузинской атаки на Цхинвали. Как утверждает "Мемориал", вина лежит на обеих сторонах. По словам главы организации Олега Орлова, артиллерийские перестрелки вдоль южноосетинской границы начались еще 1 августа. По словам Орлова, "вооруженные силы Грузии, конечно, начали полномасштабную военную операцию, но предшествовавшая политика России лишь провоцировала Грузию на это". Впрочем, это не "извиняет" грузинского президента, продолжил он.
Хронология боевых действий, пишет автор статьи, также оспаривается Москвой и Тбилиси. Грузины использовали обстрелы деревень, населенных грузинами, как основной предлог для атаки на Цхинвали. Также они утверждают, что Россия начала вторжение через Рокский тоннель до того, как Саакашвили направил свои войска в Южную Осетию.
Что же касается России, по ее мнению, совершенно ясно, что настоящий агрессор – Тбилиси. "[Американским массмедиа] понадобилось три месяца, чтобы начать говорить правду об августовской войне на Кавказе", – заявил Виталий Чуркин, посол России в ООН в своем благодарственном письме, которое он направил в редакцию The New York Times после статьи от 7 ноября.
Barry E. Report Faults All Parties in War in Georgia// The New York Times – 19 November 2008.
he report calls for an independent investigation into “serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law” that Amnesty International contends were committed by all sides during the war in August.
The conflict has been muddied by exaggeration and prejudice from its first hours, said John Dalhuisen, one of the report’s authors. But he said, “The truth will out, eventually.”
Amnesty International, a London-based human rights group, studied satellite imagery of damage around the separatist enclave of South Ossetia and interviewed witnesses and victims during four visits to the region.
The report said that in attacking Tskhinvali, the South Ossetian capital, on Aug. 7 and 8, Georgia fired Grad missiles that seemed to miss their targets and hit civilian areas. It also criticized Russia for bombarding Georgian territory later and for allowing South Ossetian forces to loot ethnic Georgian villages for weeks.
Both sides, the report concludes, used cluster bombs.
Russian and Georgian officials could not be reached for comment early Tuesday.
The report makes no attempt to determine who started the war, noting that “all sides have declared their actions to be ‘defensive,’ even when civilians bore the brunt of their military operations.”
Researchers in Tskhinvali concluded that Georgian forces had aimed Grad rockets at military targets — a Russian peacekeeper base, fuel depots and munitions stockpiles, among others — but that the targets were adjacent to civilian areas. The impact of the rockets had a radius of as much as 500 feet, and in some cases missiles struck a third of a mile away from what appeared to be their targets, the report said.
The researchers also found that several thousand civilians were in Tskhinvali the night of the attack, Aug. 7, and that 182 structures in the city were damaged, mostly in the first hours of the war.
Unlike the Georgian attack — described as “a fixed, localized incident that took place over eight hours” — the Russian bombardment that followed was sporadic and lasted for days, Mr. Dalhuisen said. The Georgian authorities commented on their military strategy to Amnesty International’s researchers, but Russian leaders did not.
The report found that Georgian towns, villages and civilians were hit during Russian bombing raids, sometimes “in the apparent absence of nearby military targets,” which would violate international law.
Russian infantry treated civilians in a disciplined fashion, but the Russians allowed South Ossetian forces to loot and set fires in the ethnic Georgian villages north of the separatist capital, the report determined. Amnesty International’s researchers “documented unlawful killings, beatings, threats, arson and looting” by armed South Ossetian groups, the report said.
“It is clear that the Russian authorities singularly failed in their duty to prevent reprisals and serious human rights abuses carried out by South Ossetian forces and militia units,” the report said. In South Ossetia in late August, it said, researchers observed “scenes of total destruction, with houses pillaged, burnt and many in ruins.” Согласно докладу Amnesty International, в грузинской войне есть вина всех сторон
Эллен Барри
Согласно докладу организации Amnesty International, опубликованному во вторник, во время войны в Грузии российские, грузинские и южноосетинские войска не ограждали мирных граждан от опасности, а в некоторых случаях сознательно их атаковали, пишет корреспондент The New York Times Эллен Барри. Как говорится в ее материале, в докладе содержится призыв провести независимое расследование серьезных нарушений международного права в области гуманности и соблюдения прав человека, совершенных всеми сторонами в период августовской войны.
В Amnesty International изучили спутниковые съемки разрушений в окрестностях Южной Осетии, а также опросили очевидцев и потерпевших на местах, сообщает газета.
"Согласно докладу, при нападении на Цхинвали 7-8 августа грузинская сторона вела обстрел из установок "Град", которые, по-видимому, промахивались мимо целей и поражали районы, где проживает гражданское население. В документе Россию также критикуют за позднейшие бомбардировки грузинской территории и за то, что она позволила южноосетинским силам несколько недель грабить села этнических грузин", – пишет издание. В докладе также указано, что обе стороны применяли кассетные бомбы.
"В докладе сделан вывод, что во время российских бомбежек наносились удары по грузинским городам, деревням и мирным гражданам, иногда при очевидном отсутствии поблизости военных объектов", – пишет газета.
По данным доклада, российская пехота по отношению к мирным гражданам вела себя дисциплинированно, но российская сторона позволила южноосетинским силам грабить и поджигать села этнических грузин к северу от Цхинвали. Исследователи Amnesty International собрали документальные свидетельства о беззаконных убийствах, избиениях, угрозах, поджогах и грабежах, совершавшихся вооруженными южноосетинскими группировками. "Очевидно, российские власти вопиющим образом не справились со своим долгом по предотвращению репрессий и серьезных нарушений прав человека, совершавшихся южноосетинскими войсками и ополчениями",- цитирует газета доклад.
Pan P. P. Juror Defies Russian Court's Attempts to Close Trial// The Washington Times -21 November 2008.
MOSCOW, Nov. 20 -- The trial of three men accused of helping to organize the murder of one of Russia's most prominent investigative reporters, Anna Politkovskaya, took a surprise turn Thursday as a juror publicly challenged the court's decision to hold the proceedings behind closed doors.
The judge, Yevgeny Zubov, had ordered the trial closed a day earlier, saying members of the jury had refused to participate if reporters were allowed in the courtroom. But a man who identified himself as one of the jurors stepped forward Thursday and disputed the judge's explanation.
"None of us demanded in any categorical form that the press must not attend. I can definitely say that," the juror, Yevgeny Kolesov, said in remarks broadcast on Echo Moskvy radio station. Kolesov, a roofer, said that a court official had tried several times to persuade the jury to sign a statement requesting a closed trial but that the jurors all refused.
The disclosure was a rare act of defiance in a judicial system weighted heavily in favor of state control. It threw the trial into disarray and added to the questions that have dogged the government's investigation of Politkovskaya's killing, which sparked international outrage and concern over the safety of journalists in Russia.
Prosecutors had been scheduled to begin presenting evidence, but the judge adjourned the trial until Dec. 1, citing a scheduling conflict that defense lawyers said did not exist.
Politkovskaya, a fierce Kremlin critic known for her reports on human rights abuses in the restive Russian republic of Chechnya, was shot to death as she entered her Moscow apartment building Oct. 7, 2006. More than two years later, police have yet to arrest the gunman or identify who ordered and financed the attack, which investigators describe as a contract killing.
The shooting occurred on the birthday of then-President Vladimir Putin, fueling speculation about a possible official role in the crime, perhaps involving members of the security services angered by Politkovskaya's reporting.
Politkovskaya's relatives, as well as colleagues at her newspaper, Novaya Gazeta, have accused the security services of obstructing the investigation by withholding evidence and leaking information that allowed the suspected triggerman and others to escape.
Prosecutors have charged three men, including a former police major, with helping to organize the killing. A fourth suspect, a former colonel in the FSB, the domestic successor to the KGB, faces charges in a separate case.
Attorneys for the defendants and for Politkovskaya's family requested an open trial in a hearing Monday, and the judge initially agreed. But he reversed the decision two days later, citing the fears of jury members.
Kolesov, the juror, said he was stunned by the explanation when he heard it reported on the radio later that day. "I came home and started making dinner, and I turned on Echo Moskvy and suddenly learned that we had allegedly chickened out, that we were afraid of the press and asked the judge to remove the press," he said.
"We are not cowards, of course. We were not afraid," he said. "They made a laughingstock of us."
He said a court secretary had told the jurors of the media interest in the case and suggested they request a closed trial. "She came in several times and brought us a form, which said we wanted to bar the media because we were afraid," Kolesov said.
Some jurors were worried cameras would be allowed in the courtroom, he said, but they unanimously agreed to let the trial begin with reporters present and "see how it went." He added that 19 of the 20 jurors and alternate jurors signed a letter to the judge denying they wanted the news media removed.
Echo Moskvy said it had seen an official court pass identifying Kolesov as a juror in the case. A court spokesman declined to comment on his assertions.
Dmitry Muratov, editor in chief of Novaya Gazeta, said Kolesov's statements confirmed his suspicions. "We said that all this looks not quite clean, that it looks like a special operation and not a court hearing, and now it is becoming clear that indeed is the case," he told the Reuters news agency.
A lawyer for the defense, Murad Musayev, said he believed the judge was trying to close the trial on orders from superiors. "We will demand an open trial," he said.
Karina Moskalenko, a lawyer representing Politkovskaya's family, said she would also renew her request for an open trial, but she was more cautious in describing the judge's actions, saying he might have been misinformed about the jury's opinion.
"There should be consequences, and the consequence should be an open trial," she said. "I would insist on it even more energetically, and I'm more optimistic it will happen."
Присяжный опроверг судью
Филипп Пэн
По словам судьи, присяжные попросили сделать заседание закрытым, чтобы избежать внимания прессы
Как сообщает The Washington Post, судебный процесс над обвиняемыми в убийстве Анны Политковской, известной своими громкими журналистскими расследованиями, вновь преподнес сюрприз в четверг, когда один из присяжных оспорил решение суда проводить заседание за закрытыми дверями.
Судья Евгений Зубов, отмечает журналист Филипп Пэн, ранее принял решение проводить закрытое заседание, ссылаясь на то, что присяжные отказались участвовать в процессе в присутствии репортеров. Однако в четверг человек, назвавший себя членом коллегии присяжных, опроверг объяснение судьи.
Присяжный Евгений Колесов, кровельщик по профессии, как сообщается, заявил в четверг в эфире радиостанции "Эхо Москвы", что представители суда пытались несколько раз убедить присяжных подписать просьбу о проведении закрытого заседания, но присяжные отказались.
Такой шаг, пишет Пэн, необычен для российской судебной системы, находящейся в значительной степени под контролем государства. Теперь суд в замешательстве. Прокуроры должны были уже начать предъявлять улики, но судья перенес рассмотрение до 1 декабря, ссылаясь на проблемы составления плана, которых, по словам адвокатов, нет.
Как напоминает журналист, Политковская, яростный критик Кремля, была убита в подъезде собственного дома 7 октября 2006 года. Теперь, спустя два года, прокуроры обвиняют троих мужчин, среди них бывший майор милиции, в том, что они помогали организовывать убийство. Четвертый подозреваемый, бывший полковник ФСБ, обвиняется по отдельному делу.
Поверенные обвиняемых и родственники Политковской потребовали проведения открытого слушания в понедельник, и изначально судья дал согласие. Но спустя два дня он изменил свое решение, ссылаясь на опасения присяжных. Присяжный Колесов заявил, что узнал о "своем" решении из новостей "Эха Москвы". "Они сделали из нас посмешище", – заявил он.
Osborn A. Unpaid Wages Spur Reminders of 1998; Putin Pledges Help // The Wall Street Journal - 21 November 2008.
MOSCOW -- Russians have begun to feel the chill of the financial crisis, as it triggers layoffs and wage-payment delays reminiscent of the economic collapse in the late 1990s.
On Thursday, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin promised new measures, including lower corporate taxes and higher unemployment payments, in addition to an existing bailout package.
Government data show that wage arrears jumped in October to over four billion rubles ($145 million), their highest level in a year, and that firms owe back pay to 300,000 people. Economists say the real figures are likely to be higher, though far below those seen in the 1990s, when tens of millions of people were affected. Then, workers went without salaries for months on end, sparking nationwide protests.
A Moscow-based advertising executive said she hadn't been paid her salary of 40,000 rubles a month since September. "I keep going to work because I don't want to lose all the money I've earned," she said. "I'm hoping I might get paid before the New Year."
The government has insisted there is no serious crisis and that Russia is much better off than Western countries, airing public reassurances on state television. But as the banking system stutters, the ruble falls and firms dismiss staff, that storyline is becoming harder to sell.
Opinion polls show Russians are becoming more pessimistic about the economy, though some surveys show that many remain convinced the country isn't yet in crisis.
The independent Levada polling center found a fifth of people said their wages weren't being paid on time, and a fifth of those surveyed said that they or family members had recently been laid off.
Economic data also are getting grimmer. Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin has said falling oil prices mean Russia may run a budget deficit of 1% next year, while the central bank said Wednesday that it had spent $57.5 billion propping up the ruble in the last two months.
Earlier this week, government data showed growth in industrial output was 1.6% in October. Data from the Moscow-based Romir market-research agency show that consumer spending, while still high, has begun to decline as banks have curbed lending.
Mr. Putin addressed the growing economic storm on Thursday at a congress of the ruling United Russia party, which he leads.
The party's political future "will directly depend on how we cope with the problems that our country and citizens are facing today," he told party members. Opposition politicians have forecast that social discontent will boost their own ratings and begin to eat away at the once-solid popularity of Mr. Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev. So far, there's little sign of that in opinion polls.
In his speech, Mr. Putin said he'd do "everything" to prevent an economic collapse of the kind Russia suffered in 1998, when the government defaulted on its debt and the ruble lost two-thirds of its value overnight.
"We have amassed sizable financial reserves which will give us the freedom to maneuver, allow us to maintain macroeconomic stability," Mr. Putin said. Russia's international reserves, the third-largest after China's and Japan's, have dropped by more than $122 billion since early August. Government officials insist the reserves, which stand at $450 billion, will last.
Mr. Putin pledged fresh measures in addition to an existing bailout package valued at more than $200 billion. He promised lower corporate tax rates, higher payments for the jobless, and said the Kremlin would keep spending to keep the ruble stable. He avoided talk of layoffs, warning of what he called "structural changes in the labor market."
But as oil prices continued to fall, his words failed to soothe capital markets, underlining Russia's acute dependence on oil. Oil and gas account for two-thirds of Russia's export earnings. Stocks on the ruble-denominated MICEX exchange dropped almost 7% on Thursday, while the dollar-denominated RTS exchange fell nearly 7.5%.
The price of oil Thursday on the New York Mercantile Exchange fell $4.00 a barrel, or 7.46%, to close at $49.62, down for the fifth straight trading day.
Невыплата зарплат всколыхнула воспоминания о 1998 годе
Эндрю Осборн
Россияне начали ощущать последствия финансового кризиса: он спровоцировал сокращение штатов и задержку зарплат, напоминающие об экономическом крахе в конце 1990-х, сообщает The Wall Street Journal. Как отмечает корреспондент Эндрю Осборн, в четверг Путин пообещал новые антикризисные меры, в том числе снижение налогообложения бизнеса и повышение пособий по безработице.
Газета приводит официальную статистику: объемы задержанной зарплаты в октябре возросли до более чем 4 млрд рублей (145 млн долларов) – это максимальный уровень за год – что коснулось 300 тыс. сотрудников. По оценкам экономистов, в реальности эти показатели наверняка выше, хотя и значительно уступают уровню 1990-х годов, когда с этой проблемой столкнулись десятки миллионов человек, отмечает издание.
"Правительство уверяет, что настоящего кризиса нет и Россия находится в намного лучшем положении, чем западные страны. Но в условиях, когда банковская система хромает, рубль падает, а фирмы увольняют сотрудников, распространять эту версию становится все труднее", – пишет газета.
Ссылаясь на результаты опросов "Левада-центра", издание сообщает, что каждый пятый респондент сообщил, что ему задерживают зарплату; кроме того, пятая часть опрошенных говорит, что они сами или их родственники недавно были уволены с работы.
Газета приводит и другие цифры: рост промышленного производства за октябрь составил 1,6%, а министр финансов Кудрин сказал, что ввиду падения цен на нефть в России в будущем году возможен однопроцентный бюджетный дефицит.
На съезде "Единой России" Путин пообещал сделать все для предотвращения экономического краха, пишет издание.
Оппозиционные политики пророчат, что общественное недовольство повысит их собственный рейтинг и начнет размывать массовую популярность Путина и Медведева. Однако соцопросы пока об этом не свидетельствуют, отмечает газета.
"Цены на нефть продолжают падать, и слова Путина не вызвали успокоения на рынках капитала, что подчеркивает огромную зависимость России от нефти", – пишет газета.
MEDVEDEV: Russia and the world economy// The Washington Times -21 November 2008.
The summit agenda contains such topical issues as energy security, food shortage, climate change and trade security, as well as the issue of increasing social responsibility of the corporate sector. A substantive discussion of these issues and development of agreed decisions fully meet APEC's program goals.
Serious attention should be given to the issues of energy security. Russia shares the concerns of Forum members about energy price fluctuations. Indeed, they influence economic growth rates, and affect the realization of urgent social projects.
As one of the largest oil and gas suppliers in the world, Russia will promote the creation of such a system of energy supply in the Asia-Pacific region that would let consumers diversify the geography of imports, as well as ensure reliable and uninterrupted supplies. We are absolutely interested in maintaining stable and predictable hydrocarbon prices based on the real ratio of demand and offer. We stand ready to take part in joint energy saving projects, and development of alternative energy sources as well.
Environmental protection is playing an ever-greater role in fulfilling economic development objectives. This is becoming one of the leading themes at various international fora, including APEC. Russia has been dealing with these problems in a responsible way, which is testified by our contribution to the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol. Necessary steps at the international and national levels have been made. In July of this year I signed the decree on certain measures to increase the energy and environmental effectiveness of the Russian economy, which sets out the goal to cut down by 2020, Russia's GDP power consumption by at least 40 percent against 2007.
We have been endeavoring to facilitate an effective solution of such an acute problem as food shortage. Russia possesses a unique agricultural potential and has been doing its utmost not only to fully meet its own needs, but also to help other countries. In the future, Russia seeks to become a major player in the world food market. Incidentally, in response to the food problem which has been increasingly troubling consumers and producers, Russia has put forward an initiative to hold the World Grain Summit in St. Petersburg in early June 2009.
This partnership between the state and corporate business has been a significant source for sustainable economic growth in the Asia-Pacific region. This partnership has been in APEC's focus. Indeed, a dialogue on non-ferrous metals initiated by Russia was developing successfully over a number of years with the broad participation of business circles of our countries. And currently, the Special Task Group on Mining and Metallurgy actively works under Russia's chairmanship. The activities of the representatives of the Russian business community in the Business Consultative Council of the Forum was positively assessed by our partners, which held its plenary session in Moscow this May.
I will note, in particular, the initiative launched by Peru to enhance social responsibility of the APEC corporate sector. What is involved is the consolidation of state and private interests to achieve a common strategic goal, that is sustainable and progressive social and economic development in all of the vast Asian and Pacific space.
Russia fully shares and supports this approach. Our economy has a continuous successful record of integration into the world economy. We intend to further the multifaceted dialogue within the APEC on liberalization of the trade regime and development of investment interaction.
The issues of ensuring security also remain among cooperation priorities. In the first place this concerns joint countering of international terrorism which also seriously threatens trade and economic ties, as well as sea communications and energy transportation. APEC's work on the implementation of Russia's initiative on counter-terrorist protection of strategically important elements of the energy infrastructure is called to shore up the joint efforts aimed at carrying out these tasks.
Improvement of joint actions in emergencies is another topical task. It also includes the prevention and mitigation of consequences of natural and man-made disasters, and the fight against pandemic diseases. Russia has accumulated considerable organizational and technological expertise in these fields which, as practice shows, has been used by APEC countries. Only in recent years, prompt and effective assistance by Russian rescuers who worked hand-in-hand with their colleagues allowed saving and protecting the lives of thousands of people.
The theme of the fight against corruption has been increasingly in the focus of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Like other participants in the Forum, Russia considers this work exceptionally important. This summer, the National Plan for Countering Corruption has been adopted and quite recently an "anti-corruption package" of laws was submitted to the state Duma. We will do our utmost to promote multilateral efforts in this field as well.
I have mentioned only the main tasks facing the Forum today. I am convinced that their practical fulfillment depends on APEC's commitment to the principles of consensus and voluntariness. Russia will continue to strictly adhere to these principles.
We are convinced that Russia's involvement in the integration processes in the region contributes to more efficient implementation of social and economic development programs in our country. And in this context, we attach great importance to strengthening industrial cooperation and collaboration in the field of advanced technologies and implementing transportation projects, including the establishment of a "land bridge" to move cargos between Asia-Pacific and Europe.
Broadening of interregional ties is important, in the first place, to Siberia and the Far East of Russia. It is for these reasons that in view of the Russian presidency it has been decided to hold the APEC 2012 summit in Vladivostok. We are already actively preparing for it, drawing on the new ideas as well as experience of organizing meetings of the Forum's working bodies in the Far East.
The proactive presidency of Peru in APEC in 2008 and the preparation by Peruvian leaders of an intensive agenda of the summit assure us that it will bear positive results. I am convinced that the authority of the Forum, the interest in cooperation for the benefit of our peoples and the responsible APEC-specific approach to tackling issues of present-day relevance will continue to grow from year to year. And this is exactly the key to success in building our common, secure and prosperous Asia-Pacific space.
Ministers of foreign affairs and trade of the 21 member countries of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) met Wednesday and Thursday in Lima, Peru, at their annual Joint Ministerial Meeting. Members include the United States, Canada, Mexico, Peru and Chile in the Americas, and Russia, China, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Thailand, Philippines, Vietnam. Malaysia, Brunei Darusslam, Singapore, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Australia and New Zealand in the Pacific Rim. ---- In this exclusive column for The Washington Times, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev discusses his hopes for APEC and Russia's role in cooperative efforts.
During the last decade, Russia has been working actively and initiatively in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum. In the run-up to the APEC Summit in the Peruvian capital, I would like to present my vision of the place and goals of this authoritative regional alliance and prospects of Russia's participation in it.
The modern world is changing rapidly. These dynamic shifts are particularly evident in the Asia-Pacific states. It is in this region where all pluses and minuses of the globalized economy and enhanced multifaceted interdependence are observable. It is these countries that are increasingly facing new challenges that cannot be addressed without creating a better security architecture and institutions for sustainable development.
I am convinced that APEC can and must play an increasing role in the search for the ways to secure stability and prosperity for our common region. During the Lima Summit we shall discuss prospects of economic, investment and technological cooperation, as well as ways and models of further development of Asia-Pacific cooperation.
I would like to emphasize that minimization of the consequences of the global financial crisis and ensuring the energy and food security are, to my mind, topics of priority.
The global economic crisis was prompted mainly by financial market imbalances and faulty economic policies of certain countries.
Russian President Dmitry Medvedev speaks at a meeting with nongovernment organizations at the Kremlin in Moscow on Friday, Sept. 19, 2008. Mr. Medvedev said Friday that Russia wouldn't yield to Western pressure or be pushed into an isolation over the war in Georgia. Associated Press.
In order to protect the national economy and ensure the functioning of the real sector as well as the early recovery of the banking system, Russia is taking effective stabilization measures. We have developed a program to minimize crisis impact that is being implemented. In our anti-crisis domestic policy we attach great importance to enhancing international collaboration. We consider that it is a key to solving the priority task of establishing a multi-polar international financial and economic system.
It is the APEC countries, in particular, that will have to largely assume the task to unravel the world economic crisis. Today, the role of the emerging economies is growing as never before. Against the backdrop of the comedown of traditionally sustainable economies (and even the threat of recession in a number of developed countries), the possibilities to maintain high growth rates, APEC member states' market investment capacities, and the high human and technological potential of these countries, allow us to consider that this region will become the locomotive of sustainable world economic development in the future. We believe that many APEC countries will become leaders in the post-crisis period and will gain new positions in key markets.
We have voiced a number of proposals to modernize world economic structure and finances at the G-20 Washington summit. I believe that it is necessary to discuss them at the APEC meeting. The organization's substantial mutual trade turnover bodes well for establishing a more flexible modern system of international trade, as well as to strengthen the role of regional currencies.
Россия и мировая экономика
Дмитрий Медведев
Накануне саммита стран АТЭС, который пройдет в столице Перу Лиме, российский президент Дмитрий Медведев изложил свои взгляды на роль и задачи этого альянса, а также перспективы российского участия в нем в эксклюзивной статье для газеты The Washington Times.
Российский президент отмечает, что за последние 10 лет Россия активно и инициативно работала в рамках АТЭС. Он подчеркивает, что в странах Азии и Тихоокеанского бассейна можно наблюдать все плюсы и минусы глобализированной экономики и возросшей многогранной взаимозависимости. По словам Медведева, новые проблемы этих стран невозможно решить без создания усовершенствованной архитектуры безопасности, а также институтов, которые обеспечивали бы стабильное развитие.
Главными темами саммита в Лиме должны стать минимизация последствий глобального финансового кризиса, а также обеспечение энергетической и продовольственной безопасности, пишет Медведев. Он выражает мнение, что основными причинами кризиса являются дисбалансы финансового рынка и ошибочная экономическая политика некоторых стран.
В статье Медведев прогнозирует, что регион АТЭС в будущем станет движущей силой стабильного развития мировой экономики, поскольку в условиях спада традиционно стабильных экономик государства-члены альянса имеют возможность сохранять высокие темпы роста, они располагают большим человеческим и техническим потенциалом и открывают двери для инвесторов.
В статье российский президент предлагает обсудить на встрече АТЭС ряд предложений по модернизации экономической структуры и финансов мира, выдвинутых Россией на вашингтонском саммите G-20.
Россия разделяет обеспокоенность стран-членов АТЭС колебаниями цен на энергоносители, поскольку эти перепады влияют на темпы экономического роста и сказываются на осуществлении актуальных социальных проектов, пишет Медведев. Как сообщает президент, Россия будет ратовать за создание в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе системы энергоснабжения, которая позволила бы потребителям диверсифицировать географию импорта, а также гарантировать надежные и бесперебойные поставки. Российская сторона полностью заинтересована в поддержании стабильных и предсказуемых цен на углеводороды, основанных на реальном соотношении спроса и предложения, отмечает автор.
Россия ответственно решает проблемы защиты окружающей среды, пишет Медведев, ссылаясь на свой июльский указ, где поставлена задача к 2020 году сократить энергоемкость ВВП в России как минимум на 40% по сравнению с 2007 годом.
Сельскохозяйственный потенциал России уникален, и в будущем она планирует стать крупным игроком на мировом рынке продовольствия, отмечает Медведев. В условиях дефицита продовольствия российская сторона выступила с инициативой проведения Всемирного зернового саммита в Санкт-Петербурге в начале июня 2009 года, указывает он.
Автор отмечает, что партнерство государства и частного бизнеса является крупным подспорьем стабильного экономического роста в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе, причем АТЭС ставит эту тему в центр внимания, а представители России активно работают в деловых и специализированных структурах альянса.
Медведев особо отмечает инициативу Перу – предложение повысить социальную ответственность корпоративного сектора АТЭС. По его мнению, это предполагает консолидацию интересов государства и частного бизнеса ради достижения общей стратегической цели – прочного и прогрессирующего социально-экономического развития на всей колоссальной территории Азии и Тихоокеанского региона. Россия полностью разделяет и поддерживает этот подход и планирует продолжать многосторонний диалог в рамках АТЭС о либерализации торговли и развитии инвестиционного взаимодействия, пишет российский президент.
В сфере безопасности Медведев выделил такую задачу, как совместное противодействие международному терроризму, и призвал осуществить инициативу России по антитеррористической защите стратегически-важных элементов энергетической инфраструктуры.
Российский президент упомянул о важности совместных действий в чрезвычайных ситуациях. Он также остановился на теме борьбы с коррупцией и подчеркнул, что Россия приложит все усилия для продвижения многосторонних усилий и в этой сфере.
Перечислив основные задачи форума, Медведев выразил убежденность в том, что их практическая реализация зависит от приверженности АТЭС принципам консенсуса и добровольности.
Коснувшись участия России в интеграционных процессах в регионе, Медведев упомянул о важности укрепления сотрудничества в промышленности, в том числе в сфере инновационных технологий, а также осуществлении транспортных проектов. В частности, речь идет о создании "наземного моста" для перевозки грузов из Европы в Азиатско-Тихоокеанский регион и обратно.
Россия уже активно готовится к саммиту АТЭС, который пройдет в 2012 году во Владивостоке, отметил Медведев, подчеркнув, что расширение межрегиональных связей особенно важно для Сибири и российского Дальнего Востока.
В заключение Медведев высоко оценил активную работу Перу в качестве председателя АТЭС в 2008 году и выразил убежденность в том, что авторитет этого форума будет возрастать год от года, что является ключом к формированию общего, безопасного и процветающего азиатско-тихоокеанского пространства.
Clover Ch. Putin unveils tax cuts in $20bn stimulus deal The Financial times – 21 November 2008.
Vladimir Putin on Thursday announced a $20bn economic stimulus package for Russia, mainly consisting of tax cuts, to help stave off a financial crisis that has started to buffet the real economy.
Mr Putin, prime minister, told Russians not to panic after wage arrears rose sharply in October and data showed a renewed wave of capital flight last week.
“We’ll do all it takes to make sure the collapse of the previous years does not repeat in our country,” he said, referring to the financial crises of 1991 and 1998, when inflation, bank panics, and the collapse of the rouble destroyed the living standards of a generation.
Mr Putin assured Russians that their bank deposits were insured and pensions would rise faster than inflation. Of the Rbs550bn ($20bn, £13.5bn) that the measures would cost, corporate profit tax relief would account for Rbs400bn, according to Alexei Kudrin, finance minister.
Wage arrears in October rose 33.4 per cent to stand at Rbs4.02bn.
Addressing the congress of his ruling United Russia party, Mr Putin said that, in spite of the crisis, the country would continue to increase its international influence. He announced a $1.8bn boost in defence spending and a $1bn contribution to the International Monetary Fund.
But it appeared that the Kremlin was having trouble co-ordinating its message. Mr Kudrin said tax cuts were likely to put the Russian budget into deficit next year, an issue that Mr Putin did not seem to address. Uralsib, an investment bank, said in a research note that Mr