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The critical business of corruption

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Дата создания 2012
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This involvement was so rapid that DESO (Defence Export Services Organization) whose aim was to help companies to export their products was to facilitate commissions and fees.
Infrastructure projects, sales of oil and weapon were the reason for corruption which brought socio-economic damage in poor countries as the legal system was week there, elite made some state functions and Western strategic interests prevailed.
At the same time academics, practitioners and other people who find themselves in the position of uncertainty because of the economic policy see the way out from it in bribery.
There are three kinds of corruption distinguished in democratic society. The first one is the grand corruption of the political elite using power to influence public policies, the second one is a bureaucratic corruption which in initiated by appointed public officers when dealing with public, and the third kind of corruption is a legislative one, by which the behavior of legislators is influenced. In any way corruption implies that someone has powers to allocate resources at own discretion. And if so it becomes obvious that anyone can be involved in bribery: owners of business, religious leaders and others who depend on local culture and circumstances. So we should distinguish state and private corruption.
Moreover an external intervention in corruption within a given country or region is detected. And the total silence on these issues helps to construct a normative, neutral economic model of corruption which exculpates the role of rich capitalist countries in encouraging the corruption and using it in their own success.
A situation in Equatorial Guinea, an oil-producing country, is an example of the importance of critiques of corruption. In 1997 Equatorial Guinea became the third-largest producer of oil in Sub-Saharan Africa due to a number of oil corporations. By 2003 the president of Equatorial Guinea Obiang has made the country the largest depositor in Riggs Bank of Washington. Riggs helped the president to create a company in Bahamas into which Obiang deposited a big sum of money within 2 years. And a bigger sum was transmitted out of Equatorial Guinea oil account to accounts in offshore banks and Riggs could not obtain any details of ownership.
Oil companies of Equatorial Guinea have financial links with the ruling elite as the last has interest in various services, for example the oil companies paid grants for students who studied abroad and were relatives of powerful officials, paid for security services from a company owned by the president’s brother while leasing buildings and land from the president’s wife. All that illustrates the most important point of corruption in Africa that politicians and governments are involved into it from inside and outside of the country.
To summarize it is necessary to say that towards the beginning of the 20th century G8 countries in general and the UL in particular develop within the frameworks of capitalism. The UK has the lowest unemployment figures in decades, economic growth, but the ideas represented by corruption make the society feel fear to lose its’ essential identity and to perceive corporatization of life. Notwithstanding the fact that the UK has become one of the richest countries it couldn’t avoid corruption. The reason for that is rather in a globalized economy than in cultural superiority.
The African Union estimated that corruption costs Africa a quarter of entire GDP. Passing over in silence this fact would be an appreciation of the role of the G8 and their financial and economic structures and the role of Western corporations in supporting and encouraging corrupt regimes.
Without proper examining the complexity of corruptions, the roles and responsibilities of business and governments, there can be no valid assessment of corruption and as a consequence of ourselves and our society.
Negation of corruption as a part of economic policy of our country may result in neglecting the role of rich countries in fostering corrupt practices, in destroying foundation of consensual and democratic basis of society.
Keen, S. (2001), Debunking Economics, Zed Books, London.
Martin, R. (2001), “Labour's New Regional Policy: An Assessment “ (with S. Fothergill, R. Rowthorn, et al. P. Tyler), London: Regional Studies Association.
Brown, E. and Cloke, J. (2004), “Neoliberal reform, governance and corruption in the South: assessing the international anti-corruption crusade”, Antipode, Vol. 36 No. 2, pp. 272-94.
Jain, A. (2001), «Corruption: a review”, Journal of Economic Surveys, Vol. 15 No. 1, pp. 71-121.
Sweezy, P. (1997), “More (or less), on globalization”, Monthly Review, Vol. 49 No. 4.
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